Monthly Archives: November, 2009

Proposed actions against security forces is a ploy to promote General Toran Singh : ACHR

he Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), a Delhi based
regional human rights organisation, today stated that reported
intention of the Government of Nepal to ‘take action’ against 350
security persons and Maoists is nothing but a ploy to hoodwink
international community and allow the government to push through
promotion of General Toran Singh to Chief of the Nepal Army Staff.
General Toran Singh is implicated in very serious crimes including
torture and disappearance.
On 24th November the Nepalese media reported ‘cabinet sources’
suggesting that the Government of Nepal intends to ‘take action’
against 350 persons including security personnel, government officers
and Maoist leaders for involvement in extra judicial killings and
human rights violations.
Empty Promises:
ACHR underlined that the international community should understand
that in the context of Nepal there is little value of promises of
undefined government ‘action’ on human rights.
ACHR further noted in this regard the recent analysis of Mr Ian
Martin the former Head of UNMIN who underlined in the Nepalese media
on 8th November 2009: ‘Repeated commitments have been made to
investigate the fate of the disappeared, compensate victims of the
conflict, enable displaced persons to return, establish a
comprehensive truth commission, and – less frequently and more
reluctantly – take action against those responsible for major human
rights violations.’
In examining the results of these commitments, Mr Martin also noted:
“Not a single person has been properly brought to justice for a
major human rights violation committed during the armed conflict or
since”.
‘This recent ‘media leak’ must be seen as part of a longstanding
pattern of unfulfilled promises to investigate and prosecute human
rights crimes in Nepal that violate the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
and international norms’. Stated Mr Suhas Chakma, Director of ACHR.
In the case of General Singh OHCHR has made representations to the
Prime Minister of Nepal that there should be no promotion until the
case is fully and impartially investigated.  The Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights in its “Report of investigation into
arbitrary detention, torture and disappearances at Maharajgunj RNA
barracks, Kathmandu, in 2003-2004”of May 2006 concluded that the
“the commander of the 10th Brigade [General Toran Singh] knew or
ought to have known about these actions…” OHCHR recommended that
“those potentially implicated directly or through command
responsibility for units involved should be suspended from any
official duties pending the investigation, and should not be proposed
for participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions”.
But despite the overwhelming evidence the government has not only
failed to take action, but is now clearly moving toward promoting Singh.
The Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), a Delhi based
regional human rights organisation, today stated that reported
intention of the Government of Nepal to ‘take action’ against 350
security persons and Maoists is nothing but a ploy to hoodwink
international community and allow the government to push through
promotion of General Toran Singh to Chief of the Nepal Army Staff.
General Toran Singh is implicated in very serious crimes including
torture and disappearance.
On 24th November the Nepalese media reported ‘cabinet sources’
suggesting that the Government of Nepal intends to ‘take action’
against 350 persons including security personnel, government officers
and Maoist leaders for involvement in extra judicial killings and
human rights violations. (more…)

WATCHDOG FOR WOMEN’S RIGHTS

by Ahmed Rashid
Lahore, Pakistan
Visits from three senior U.S. officials in three weeks indicate
troubles in the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Washington has failed to
deliver on the regional strategy it promised this spring, and
friction with Pakistan seems to be contributing to the long delay in
announcement of a new U.S. strategy in Afghanistan. Pakistan is
critical to any Afghan strategy the Obama administration undertakes.
Pakistanis hope that President Obama will push his state guest this
week, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, to be more flexible
toward Islamabad. But Pakistanis too must compromise if there is to
be hope for Afghanistan, and South Asia in general.
In their recent visits Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, national
security adviser James Jones and CIA chief Leon Panetta have promised
to push the Indians on regional issues. But the Pakistani army does
not trust American promises and has leaned on the civilian government
in Islamabad to scale back its largely pro-U.S. positions.
Any surge of U.S. or NATO troops into Afghanistan would depend on the
Pakistani army’s help to protect the truck convoys that would supply
the extra Western troops in landlocked Afghanistan. Washington would
need even greater clandestine cooperation from the Pakistani military
in targeting terrorist hideouts along the border.
Pakistan’s army, which is overshadowing the elected government on
regional policy, does not want U.S. forces to pull out of
Afghanistan. But neither does it want a massive surge of U.S. troops,
which it fears will ultimately drive more Afghan refugees into
Pakistan or boost morale for the Pakistani Taliban.
The army is finally fighting decisively against the Pakistani Taliban
on several fronts in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and has
had some success in driving the Pakistani Taliban out of its main
stronghold in South Waziristan. Yet the army is loath to even
acknowledge the presence of the Afghan Taliban leadership that is
based in Baluchistan province and North Waziristan.
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U.S. troops cannot roll back the Taliban in southern and eastern
Afghanistan without the Pakistanis cutting off the men and materials
the Afghan Talian can draw on.
If U.S.-NATO troops stay on in Afghanistan and beat back the Afghan
Taliban in the next few years, the Pakistani military is likely to
cooperate with the West.
If, however, President Obama speaks soon of an exit strategy, as many
in the United States and Europe want, the Pakistani army is likely to
push Afghan President Hamid Karzai to accept a Pakistani-brokered
deal to form a pro-Pakistan government with the Taliban in Kabul.
The Pakistani army has no love for Islamic extremists now, but it
differentiates between the Afghan Taliban, which it sees as a
potential ally in a pro-Pakistan Afghanistan if U.S. efforts there
fail, and the Pakistani Taliban, which is viewed as a threat to the
state to be eliminated.
In reality, the two Taliban groups and al-Qaeda are closely allied.
Both Taliban groups acknowledge the Afghan Taliban leader Mullah
Mohammed Omar as head of the essential jihad against Western forces
in Afghanistan. Even though the Afghan Taliban are careful not to
fight alongside their Pakistani brothers in South Waziristan, they
would be happy to see larger parts of the NWFP controlled by the
Pakistani Taliban so that their own base areas expand.
Pakistan’s military insists that any U.S. surge will lead to havoc
along its border. In fact, since 20,000 additional U.S. troops
started arriving in Afghanistan in March more and more Afghan,
Pakistani and Central Asian fighters have left Pakistan and gone to
Afghanistan to take on the Americans. Summertime fighting raged in
Helmand in the south, where 10,000 Marines are based, but in the
previously peaceful west and north of Afghanistan, where the
additional Taliban manpower has helped it expand its territorial
control.
The Pakistan military’s primary interest in a U.S.-led regional
strategy was that the Americans would help restart Indo-Pakistan
talks on Kashmir and other disputes that ceased after the terrorist
attack on Mumbai last year, and negotiate a reduction of India’s
influence in Kabul, which Pakistan now blames for a host of ills
(some imagined, some real).
Washington pledged in March to involve all of Afghanistan’s neighbors
and regional powers such as India, Saudi Arabia, Russia and China to
work on a common agenda to secure peace and cease interference in
Afghanistan. India pointedly snubbed the United States and its
regional strategy and demanded that Pakistan first eliminate
terrorist groups targeting India from Punjab and Karachi. Iran,
Russia and China presented other setbacks to the U.S. initiative.
Now India and Pakistan are both playing for broke. Pakistan says it
will support a U.S. regional strategy that does not include India,
while India is talking about a regional alliance with Iran and Russia
that excludes Pakistan. Both positions — throwbacks to the 1990s,
when neighboring sates fueled opposing sides in Afghanistan’s civil
war — are non-starters as far as helping the U.S.-NATO alliance
bring peace to Afghanistan.
To avoid a regional debacle and the Taliban gaining even more ground,
Obama needs to fulfill the commitment he made to Afghanistan in
March: by sending more troops — so that U.S.-NATO forces and the
Afghan government can regain the military initiative — as well as
civilian experts, a revised plan and more funds for development that
will help kick-start the Afghan economy. He must bring both India and
Pakistan on board and help reduce their differences; establishing a
regional strategy is a necessary first step for any U.S. strategy in
Afghanistan to have a chance at succeeding. The United States needs
to persuade India to be more flexible toward Pakistan while
convincing Pakistanis to match such flexibility in a step-by-step
process that reduces terrorist groups operating from its soil so that
the two archenemies can rebuild a modicum of trust.
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The writer, a Pakistani journalist, is the author of “Taliban” and
“Descent into Chaos: The U.S. and the Disaster in Pakistan,
Afghanistan, and Central Asia.”

by Rajashri Dasgupta

Thirty years after CEDAW, does the Convention really serve a useful

purpose? Sunila Abeysekera, Sri Lankan human rights campaigner who

heads International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific, says

the Convention is a good space for democratic countries to reaffirm

that they respect women’s rights

For over two decades, Sunila Abeysekera has been an ardent campaigner

of human rights and women’s rights in Sri Lanka and around the

world. She defied threats to her life when she brought human rights

abuses in Sri Lanka to the attention of the international community.

In 1999, she won the UN Human Rights Award and was honoured for her

work by Human Rights Watch last year. (more…)

HRCP sees flaws in Gilgit-Baltistan elections

LAHORE: In its preliminary report, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) Observers’ Mission has expressed satisfaction over the relatively peaceful conclusion of the Gilgit-Baltistan elections and appreciated the enthusiastic turnout of voters.

At the same time, the mission expressed its sorrow over a few incidents of violence which resulted in the death of two persons and injuries to at least 40 others. The mission also regretted that the entire electoral process was marred by flaws caused by haste in holding the polls and inadequate preparations. Besides, the pre-poll climate had been considerably vitiated by government efforts to lure voters with relief and development packages. The mission will issue its detailed report after some time.

The observers’ mission was led by the commission’s co-chairperson Iqbal Haider and consisted of Parveen Soomro, Kamran Arif, Hussain Naqi and Najam U Din. The mission was supported by over 70 local observers in all seven districts of Gilgit-Baltistan.

Pre-poll assessment: The HRCP noted with satisfaction that the main political parties in the country had shown tremendous interest in the Gilgit-Baltistan elections.

The HRCP observers met with all stakeholders to ascertain their points of view. The chief election commissioner (CEC), appointed barely a month before the election, mentioned many difficulties the Election Commission (EC) faced in organising the elections at short notice, such as finalisation of electoral rolls in a mere 18 days which resulted in many inaccuracies in the lists, inadequacy of the polling stations and the polling booths therein, insufficient polling staff and a severe lack of security arrangements. The mission received numerous complaints that the federal government representatives – including the prime minister, members of his cabinet and the acting-governor of Gilgit-Baltistan – tried to woo voters at government cost and with a string of financial incentives.

The PML-N, PML-Q, MQM and the independent candidates expressed serious reservations about the role of the Gilgit-Baltistan acting-governor who actively campaigned for the PPP candidates. Reservations were also expressed about the prime minister’s speech at Skardu on Nov 10 in which he appealed to the people to vote for the PPP.

The manner in which the Benazir Income Support Programme and to some extent the Benazir Tractor Scheme were implemented was also criticised.

The PPP refuted the allegations that the acting-governor campaigned for it and stated that the governor had every right to hold meetings and announce development schemes. (more…)

TALK SOONER THAN LATER

If the governments of India and Pakistan cannot start cooperating
against the common enemy soon enough, today’s accusations will become
facts and tenets of belief tomorrow and serious exchanges will become
harder than ever
by I. A. Rehman
Hopes of resumption of India-Pakistan dialogue, aroused by Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh’s speech in Srinagar last month, have not
borne fruit as early as one had expected or wished for. But there is
some consolation in the fact that both sides seem to be trying to
overcome whatever reservations on picking up the thread they have.
Mr Manmohan Singh referred to ties with Pakistan at the end of his
address on building a “new Kashmir”, in the course of which he
declared that “the perpetrators of the acts of terror must pay the
heaviest penalty for their barbaric crimes against humanity”. Then he
added:
“It is a misplaced idea that one can reach a compromise with the
ideology of the terrorists or that they can be used for one’s own
political purpose. Eventually they turn against you and bring only
death and destruction. The real face of the terrorists is clear for
the people of Pakistan to see with their own eyes. I hope that the
government of Pakistan will take the ongoing actions against the
terrorist groups to their logical conclusion. They should destroy
these groups wherever they are operating and for whatever misguided
purpose. I call upon the people and the government of Pakistan to
show their sincerity and good faith. As I have said many times
before, we will not be found wanting in our response… I appeal to the
government of Pakistan to carry forward the hand of friendship that
we have extended. This is in the interest of the people of India and
Pakistan”.
Mr Manmohan Singh was not as eloquent a seeker of peace as he was in
January 2007 when he had declared: “I dream of a day, while retaining
our respective national identities, one can have breakfast in
Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul. That is how my
forefathers lived. That is how I want our grandchildren to live”.
Still, considering the hiatus in India-Pakistan relations throughout
the past 12 months the Indian Premier’s gesture could only be
welcomed. This was duly done by the Pakistan Foreign Office but
subsequently it gave the impression that while Islamabad wanted to
resume negotiations New Delhi’s response was not wholly positive. One
should like to hope that this impression is not correct and that Mr
Manmohan Singh sincerely meant what he had said.
It is not difficult to imagine what the obstacles to resumption of
talks are. Nobody in Pakistan should quarrel with India about its
reaction to the terrorist raid on Mumbai a year ago. India was
wounded materially and in its pride at the exposure of a security
lapse no one could comfortably live with. Not only the government but
also the people of India were outraged. On the eve of a critically
important general election the Indian government was under pressure
to talk tough and reject negotiations with Pakistan until those
believed to be responsible for terrorism in Mumbai were surrendered.
The impasse caused by Islamabad’s inability to concede New Delhi’s
demand was a somewhat expanded version of the earlier disruptions
following acts of terrorism in Delhi (parliament house) and Mumbai
(trains). Since Pakistan is unlikely to hand over the persons named
by India it is required to offer satisfaction in some other form, as
had happened earlier. General Musharraf was able to keep the
composite dialogue going without surrendering the man wanted by India
by promising New Delhi relief in Kashmir. And, after a couple of
abortive attempts, he did manage to deliver what he had promised. Can
the present Pakistan government accomplish something similar? And,
what is more important, can this government be credited with the
strength to honour its commitments?
This must be one of the critical questions faced by former Foreign
Secretary Riaz Mohammad Khan during his Track Two mission to India.
One does not know whether his choice for backdoor diplomacy was meant
to be an atonement for the ungainly way of his removal from the
Foreign Office, or whether it was an acknowledgment of his
professional competence, or whether he was given a broad mandate.
(Incidentally, without questioning Mr Riaz Mohammad Khan’s impressive
credentials, the difficulties Track One diplomacy veterans face in
descending to Track Two cannot be overlooked.)
It is difficult to believe that meaningful talks with India can be
revived without a shared understanding that both India and Pakistan
will give top priority to the task of preventing terrorist attacks
from across the borders and a clear promise of a joint struggle to
rid the subcontinent of the spectre of suicidal terrorism.
The reasons for attaching priority to the composite dialogue begun in
2004 are obvious. It has been the most mature concept of all India-
Pakistan normalisation exercises. It covers a wide range of issues:
confidence-building measures related to peace and security; the
Kashmir issue; Siachin, Sir Creek, Wullar Barrage; terrorism and drug
trafficking; economic cooperation; and friendly exchanges in various
fields.
Nobody can deny that some progress has been registered in each of the
areas indicated above, however small it may appear, especially to
people who are in a hurry to claim trophies. The point to be
understood is that the composite dialogue by itself will not end all
India-Pakistan disputes, disagreements and differences but the
process could enable the two countries to start appreciating the
benefits of mutual understanding and friendly cooperation. Only then
will it be possible to tackle the serious causes of the illogical and
unaffordable confrontation that has grievously harmed the people of
both India and Pakistan.
A fresh reason for resuming India-Pakistan dialogue is a palpable
worsening of their relations. Islamabad continues to accuse India of
interference in Balochistan. And now it has started blaming India for
aiding the militants challenging the Pakistan state in the tribal
region, although one cannot imagine the Indians to have forsaken
wisdom and prudence to the extent of feeding the genie that is
threatening not only Pakistan but also India and the rest of South
Asia. If the governments of India and Pakistan cannot start
cooperating against the common enemy soon enough, today’s accusations
will become facts and tenets of belief tomorrow and serious exchanges
will become harder than ever.
Meanwhile, both India and Pakistan will do themselves a great deal of
good by easing the restrictions on the people-to-people exchanges.
The people on both sides of the frontier perhaps have a much clearer
comprehension of the imperatives of normal relations between their
countries than their rulers do. They are quite capable of helping
their governments in an orderly descent from the bastions of
confrontation where they have perched themselves longer than
warranted by good sense.

If the governments of India and Pakistan cannot start cooperating

against the common enemy soon enough, today’s accusations will become

facts and tenets of belief tomorrow and serious exchanges will become

harder than ever

by I. A. Rehman

Hopes of resumption of India-Pakistan dialogue, aroused by Prime

Minister Manmohan Singh’s speech in Srinagar last month, have not

borne fruit as early as one had expected or wished for. But there is

some consolation in the fact that both sides seem to be trying to

overcome whatever reservations on picking up the thread they have.

Mr Manmohan Singh referred to ties with Pakistan at the end of his

address on building a “new Kashmir”, in the course of which he

declared that “the perpetrators of the acts of terror must pay the

heaviest penalty for their barbaric crimes against humanity”. Then he

added:

“It is a misplaced idea that one can reach a compromise with the

ideology of the terrorists or that they can be used for one’s own

political purpose. Eventually they turn against you and bring only

death and destruction. The real face of the terrorists is clear for

the people of Pakistan to see with their own eyes. I hope that the

government of Pakistan will take the ongoing actions against the

terrorist groups to their logical conclusion. They should destroy

these groups wherever they are operating and for whatever misguided

purpose. I call upon the people and the government of Pakistan to

show their sincerity and good faith. As I have said many times

before, we will not be found wanting in our response… I appeal to the

government of Pakistan to carry forward the hand of friendship that

we have extended. This is in the interest of the people of India and

Pakistan”.

(more…)

People’s Tribunal on Human Rights

Human rights groups including Voice of People, Peoples Vigilance Committee on Human Rights and Bunkar Dastkar Adhikar Manch organised a People’s Tribunal on situation of Education and development among Muslim Weavers and Artisans on Wednesday.

Sayeda Hameed, member, Planning Commission of India, chaired the tribunal and heard their problems. The tribunals report would be sent to the Prime Minister. (more…)

India Urged to Change Policy on Burma

by Salai Pi Pi
The New York based Human Rights Watch has urged the Indian government to change its current policy towards Burma before its elections in 2010.

Brad Adams, Executive Director of HRW’s Asia Division said on Thursday that the world’s largest democracy, India should press Burma to release Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners to usher in genuine political reforms in the country, instead of strengthening its cozy ties with the regime.

“We think the Indian government should reverse it policy and stand for democracy and human rights in Burma,” said Brad Adams in a press conference held in the Women’s Press Club in New Delhi.

Adams said India’s role is important in pushing the Burmese military leaders to hold a genuine election next year while the international community, including Southeast Asian countries criticizes Burma for its human right records and slow pace in restoring democracy.

“India should not accept the forthcoming 2010 election in Burma if the regime does not release detained Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners,” he said, “No one will take the poll result seriously.”

After the Burmese regime rigged the referendum to approve the constitution in 2008, it announced holding elections next year, which Adam said, will entrench military rule in the country.

Source: http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/3039-india-urged-to-change-policy-on-burma.html

Thursday 12th November 2009

Strange Ways of Our MPs

By Zubeida Mustafa

A REPORT recently released by Fafen (Free and Fair Election Network), an umbrella organisation of 30 civil society groups working to foster democratic accountability in Pakistan, should provide us some food for thought on the workings of our democracy. 

Since Dec 2008, Fafen has been monitoring the proceedings of the National Assembly by deploying trained observers there. Its latest report focuses on the 16th session of the National Assembly (Oct 5-16, 2009). 

Its observations clearly confirm what we have long suspected. Our MPs are not playing effectively the role of custodians of democracy that is expected of them. They do not seem to even recognise the significance of this role. 

After having lived through decades of authoritarian rule by military strongmen who spoke of tearing up constitutions like scraps of paper, the nation would want our parliamentarians to do better at upholding the spirit and form of democracy. 

Even if the demands of principled politics mean nothing to them, they must be astute enough to understand that their own personal interest lies in preserving democracy, as their social and economic status as well as their political clout is dependent on their membership of the elected lawmaking bodies. Or is it that having become used to being co-opted by military dictators they feel democracy is dispensable? 

Be that as it may, the people find it difficult to swallow the disappointment they feel at their lawmakers’ performance. Given the quantum of work done by the MNAs as recorded by Fafen — the 10 daily sittings cumulatively enacted 34 hours and 25 minutes of parliamentary business — one gets the impression that there is not much for the legislators to do. The attendance record also betrays a similar indifference that is not justified. The speaker was not present during seven of the 10 sittings while 31 members were absent as they had applied for leave. We are not told how many sittings were attended by the prime minister himself. Most disturbing was the observation: “Many members who were technically ‘present’ for sittings actually left the house chamber to conduct other business.” 

Such apathy would have been understandable under a military regime when parliament is no more than a rubberstamp body to showcase the pseudo-democracy dictators flaunt to win respectability internationally. Legislators did not take their work seriously as decisions were taken elsewhere. Do they still feel the same way? Hence their under-performance. 

And absenteeism is not the only problem. Their failure to use effectively question hour to bring accountability and transparency in the governance process has been pronounced. By questioning the government shrewdly parliamentarians can keep it on its toes and promote accountability. 

On the eight days when a question hour was held (Tuesday is an ‘unquestionable’ day) 380 questions were asked — 169 by women, the holders of the contemptuously termed khairati seats. 

Had these women who constitute 22 per cent of the members not undertaken to ask 44 per cent of the questions, the government would have had less to worry about. As it is in six of the eight question hours the concerned minister never bothered to show up and a large number of questions were not answered. 

This attitude is also reflected in newspaper reports. The usual observation is that barring a few ‘incorrigible’ questioners others do not put up questions for written answers or actively participate in question hour. 

Parliament’s performance in lawmaking, its primary function, has traditionally been the poorest. According to Fafen’s report, of the 46 bills listed as the order of the day only four were adopted, three rejected and 39 referred to standing committees. That is not unusual. The 12th Assembly passed only 38 laws in its five-year tenure out of the 222 bills introduced. Undemocratic governments prefer to rule by ordinances since it saves them the trouble of having to defend a bill that is debated in the house. 

Even elected rulers and lawmakers seem to have become used to the convenience of government by ordinances. A random search on the Internet brought up 11 ordinances that have been promulgated in Pakistan in 2009 alone. Some of them are of great importance but didn’t go through the normal lawmaking process, such as the Nizam-i-Adl Ordinance, Local Government (Amendment) Ordinance and the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Ordinance. 

This is the story of only one hat the parliamentarians wear — that of lawmakers. They wear a second hat too — as representatives of their constituents. It is their responsibility to keep in touch with voters, look into their problems and act as a conduit of their opinion to the powers that be. One doesn’t need a survey to reveal the disconnect between the MNAs and their voters. A common complaint of the public is that their representatives only show up when elections are round the corner. 

Transparency is the need of the hour. Fafen asks for Assembly sessions to be opened to citizen observers by a standardised procedure of accreditation. This is normal practice in democratic societies to create public interest in elected bodies. The website of the British parliament carries this notice: “UK residents and overseas visitors may watch debates for free on current issues or proposed new laws in both houses by visiting the public galleries.”

Obviously we are taking our democracy for granted. Why? Is it because the masses have no stake in it as they are not the real beneficiaries? Cyril Almeida has asked if our politicians can ever make democracy work. Kamran Shafi believes they can, provided our democracy gets the time it takes to grow and flower and prosper, to which endeavour he exhorts all to say “No” to another army take-over. 

Absolutely correct. But should not the parliamentarians lend a helping hand in this endeavour by playing the role they are paid for more effectively? If you follow the working of the legislatures and read the fine print, you will find we still have a long way to go.

Source: http://www.dawn.com

PAK MUST ACCEPT INDIA’S OFFER OF PEACE

by I.A. Rehman

REGARDLESS of the views of the hawks in Pakistan’s establishment, and  howsoever strong they may be, Islamabad must give a positive response  to Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s offer of peace.
Normal relations and mutually-beneficial cooperation between the two  closest South Asian neighbours has always been desirable for many  reasons but their urgency has been increased many times over by the  extremists’ challenge to the Pakistan state.
No sane person on either side of the border can deny that the threat  to the stability of Pakistan is also a threat to India’s vital  interests, and their joint efforts are needed to ensure victory over  the terrorists. (more…)

WILL THE MINDSET FROM THE PAST CHANGE?

by Amit Bhaduri & Romila Thapar

Those that have governed in tribal areas must share the responsibility for the negligence of the adivasis. The proposals for a multi-lateral dialogue should be set in that context.

There has been a flurry of concern as also vituperation over the activities of the Maoists in the forests that are mostly home to tribal society. There is a confrontation between the state and this society through the intervention of the Maoists. One pauses while reading the speeches of those in authority and thinks back to the past. The texts of the past represent the people of the forest, the forest-dwellers, largely as “the Other” – the rakshasas, and those who moved like an ink-black cloud through the forest with their bloodshot eyes, who ate and drank all the wrong things, had the wrong rules of sexuality and, as strange creatures, were far removed from ‘us.’

Kautilya in the Arthashastra condemns them as troublemakers and Ashoka threatens the atavikas, the forest-dwellers, without telling us why. The interest of various kingdoms in extending control over forests has an obvious explanation. The forests supplied elephants for the army, mineral wealth including iron, timber for building, and by clearing forests the acreage of cultivable land increased and the consequent agriculture brought in revenue. In later times, even when there were situations of dependence on forest people, the conventional attitude towards them was that they were outside the social pale and had to be kept at a distance. (more…)

South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR) express concern over the escalating attacks on civilians in Pakistan

The members of South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR) express horror at the escalating attacks on civilians in Pakistan which has resulted in the death of about 300 people since mid-October 2009. Two weeks ago, the army launched its offensive in South Waziristan, the tribal territory separating Pakistan and Afghanistan that is widely regarded as a haven for the Taliban and al-Qaeda.  Since then, the militants have carried out retaliatory attacks across the country.

On 9 October, 52 people died in a suicide car bombing in a busy Peshawar market. On October 10, militants held dozens of hostages for some 22 hours inside the army headquarters in Rawalpindi. Eleven military personnel, three civilians, and nine militants were killed in the siege. On October 20, back-to-back explosions took place at Islamabad’s International Islamic University. At least six people died in the attack. Twenty-nine others were wounded. On October 28, a massive car bomb once again tore through the heart of a bustling marketplace in the north-western city of Peshawar, killing at least 100 people and injuring at least 200 others, mostly women and children. A suicide bomber detonated explosives outside a bank in Rawalpindi on 2nd November 2009 killing 35 and wounding 65. In the most recent suicide bomb attack on the 8th of November, at least 12 people have been killed, including the local anti-Taliban mayor, and about 35 injured in the city of Peshawar. (more…)

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